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Story: The Road from Kashghar


Course: Islamic Spirituality

February 2006

Story written by 

Umer Ijaz Gilani



Revolving around themes from Imam Al-Haddad's "Book of Assistance" 
 Relevant Chapters: 54, 58, 60, 62, 64, 67, 69






My many musings go oft astray. In some such musings I wondered on the true meaning and implication of the nine states of the sufi path. What came of it is this little tale. Even though some characters bear resemblance to historical figures, this account is totally fictional. This story, like all the world's stories, is far from complete and the author seeks forgiveness for sins, done or undone.)






Then one man, tall, lean and wheatish set out in search of God.


In Kashghar, all weathers can be tasted in but one day. Yet, it wouldn't be unfair to say that winter was merging into spring and that Mohammad Ta'ib was a middle-aged man. He had been dissatisfied with his life for many years now. He was a Muslim, son of a Muslim and Muslim all the way down as far as he cared to think but his Islam did not run as deep in his being as it ran in his pedigree. He knew that the world and all that it contained was but the creation of One God and that Muhammad PBUH was his Prophet and Islam the chosen religion. It was all very well, expect that he had never seen God.


 Of course there were many things that couldn't be seen. But in Sinkiang the sun was always blazing and most things could be seen from afar and Ta'ib knew that somewhere, somehow deep trouble was brewing. That was when he came across a trader from Yemen, Mohammad son of Alawi, son of Haddad. The trader wouldn't divulge what his merchandise was, no matter how hard Taib pried. But the two soon got on well together. And when spring was springing up, the Yemenite made to leave and Ta'ib deemed it appropriate to leave with him: perhaps, a pilgrimage to Makkah would restore what had been lost of his faith.


The road from Kashghar was long and desolate. For many days there were no signs of fodder and drink for the camels. But the Yemenite was an experienced traveler and Taib would not have embarked on this venture without trust. Those long and lonely days, they talked about a lot of things.


"They say there is a black house in Makkah… the House of God?" asked Ta'ib


"The Ka'aba" replied Al-Haddad.


"Then does God live there?" Ta'ib inquired.


" He does. He lives everywhere"


"Shall we see him"




Al-Haddad was a man of few words, and these days he said many things which Taib didn't understand. All the same, Taib was beginning to respect him for his solid composure and the regularity with which he would say his prayers.


Then one day as they were approaching the foothills of the Himalayas and glimpses of distant verdant hills could already bee seen, Al-Haddad told him that the way to God was long and tortuous like the road to Makkah, that there were three stages on this path and nine indispensable aides: Repentance; Fortitude and Gratitude; Renunciation and Trusts in Allah; Love and Contentment; and, Fear and Hope. The true nature of these things was not known even to him, even though he was well-versed in such matters.


"I asked you once about the House of God. If He cannot be seen even in his house, then where will we ever find him." Ta'ib asked anxiously.


" I never said he couldn't be found. Only that you may not find him. He can be seen and all things are signs of his being. My friend, you must first understand the nine companions before the way to God is cleared for you." Al-Haddad replied calmly.


 "How would I know the nine companions when you yourself possess little knowledge of them?" Ta'ib seemed perturbed now.


" I will tell you what I know of them. And if you act on what you are told, Allah will reveal to you what you don't know. But now we must move, lest the night finds us far from shade and safety."


In the silence of the desert, Taib grappled over the meaning of the  words. Even as the sky darkened every moment and the cold wind sharpened its biting teeth, they kept going, slowly and unceasingly, until some time after Maghrib they approached a rather sheltered nook by side of a rocky outpost of the mountain. There they ended the day's journey.


Next day they began to climb the steep slopes on the northern side of the Himalayas. It was the beginning of many days of hard and lonely labour for they did not come across any settlements. Terror struck Ta'ib's heart when one day Al-Haddad told him that they had lost their way and that he was loathe to rediscover it. Many doubts arose in Taib's heart about the competence of his guide, still he had no option but to believe in Al-Haddad. In these days full of sweat and tears, all the guide would tell him was to reflect on the nine companions and to invoke them to their help.


"We will not find our way until you repent, my dear. How often do I have to remind you that the nine companions are indispensable on the road to Mecca."


Ta'ib was getting sick of the repeated reminders of the need for the nine companions. They were supposed to be the key to his every problem, and yet in all his earnestness, he couldn't make any sense of them. He had repented, a hundred times every day since they had left Kashagah, but Al-Haddad told him that even repentance wouldn't gain complete acceptance without the other eight companions.


Now they reached a particularly tricky tract of the climb. The slope was so steep and the scree so treacherous that their camels were slipping on every step. But they moved on. Then all at once Taib's camel slipped and fell on it flank and for a fraction of a second Taib felt as if his death had seized him. But then he found himself sitting on the upper flank of the camel both of them on the verge of the slope but safe still. Shivers ran down his spine but the next moment he had joined Al-Haddad in getting his camel back on its feet.


"This camel should not be made to go on. What lies ahead is beyond his endurance. He has served us long enough. We will leave him on his own and Allah will protect him. From now on we will take turns on my camel. And we will slough half our provisions."


"Do you want us to die and rot in this cold, god-forsaken land? We are already short of provisions and this camel is mine, and I don't see why we should trouble ourselves for its sake."


"Have you no mercy left in you. This camel belongs to Allah, just as you and I do. How could you be so thankless, when God just saved your life. If He can protect you from this fall, then surely he can save you from anything else. Learn to Trust Him, my friend."


So they knelt in prayer before their Lord and put their trust in his mercy and repented their earlier egoistic behaviour. Then the twain set out again and a tortuous road now lay ahead of them.


But such was the wonder of Trust that they covered many miles swiftly. Much sooner than what they expected it, the slope began to descend and hours later the aridness of the leeward side gave way to the verdure of lush valleys and green hillsides. Just when they had used the last remains of their provisions, in the majestic vale that now surrounded them, they finally found a flourishing settlement. Here they rested for a day or two and traded their camel for a pair of mules – a mode of transport more suited to this part of their journey. They longed to stay a bit longer; and yet they had to hurry for in the summer the rivers flood and cannot be forded; and because mules do not race, they had little time left.


"You asked me about the nine companions. So know now, that without trusting Him we could never have come this far. Now, we must strive to make this Trust a part of us. Seven more of its companions will join us before the fellowship of repentance would be complete. Only then will our quest succeed."


It is said that the air in north India has the property of whetting appetites. The company of two was soon went out of provisions and they had to fend for themselves in the wilderness. One day, when all hope of food was lost, and the two pilgrims were desperate with hunger, they plucked three apples off a dying tree.


"Your desire for the world and its pleasures has already brought us to the verge of destruction. If you do not now repent and renounce the world, we will never make it out of this land. Indeed a great test is upon us." Al-Haddad sounded intense.


In that moment of inspiration Taib desisted from eating the apples. A sad realization dawned on him that these three red apples were all that was left to him of worldly wealth and yet Renunciation asked of him to give them up. So with a heavy heart he put them down and fed them to the mules.


Lo and Behold! No sooner has the mules eaten the apple that they started shaking and writhing. And then with a convulsive spasm, they fell on the ground, lifeless. They were poisoned by the apples.


Not a word was spoken between the two pilgrims who stood there, looking wide-eyed, perplexed and yet both knew that they owed the remainder of their lives to Renunciation. The second fellow had joined them. With this realization, they walked on.


But out there in the hills, hungry and on bare feet, the odds were stacked against them. The third day found Taib devoid of all hope. He was quarelling with Al-Haddad continually over little things, but the fact was that he didn't want to move on. He wanted to wallow in his despair and wait till his days ended.


The next day he resolved that he wouldn't move an inch now. His days were ended. That was when Al-Haddad brought to him a large stone and asked him to kick it. Reluctantly, he acquiesced. The stone broke apart and in its core was another stone. So he kicked this one and what he saw in there was a little insect


"Were it a matter of our deeds, their lowliness would indeed leave no room for hope. But how could you be so low as to despair of His Munificence… he who gives bounty to where nothing else can reach."


At the sight of this trapped insect who was still being cared for by Allah, Taib sprung up on his feet. It was like the first rays of light on a cold dawn that bring no warmth but bestow the far more valuable gift of Hope. And together they resumed on their road to Mekkah.


And even before the end of the day, they saw the landscape change drastically. They emerged out of the rugged highlands into vast rolling plains of northern Punjab and population sprung up on every side. As they spent the night enjoying the hospitality of the Hazara villagers, they reflected upon Hope and resolved never to let go of it again. Taib who had been considerably chatty at the beginning of the journey had by now grown almost as reticent and introspective as Al-Haddad, whom he now addressed as Shaykh.


 The Shaykh and his disciple walked down the vast stretch of plains traversing many countries and many lands until gradually the lush stretches of supple grasses gave way to the knotty bushes and then to the thorns and cactuses of Southern Punjab. The Punjab is a land of immense captivating beauty and for many ages it has inspired love in the hearts of men. But now they were moving away from it.


At long last, they began to climb the Sulaiman Range which parts the plains from the land of Baloch tribes. Taib had been away from home so long, he felt a wild urge to leave the quest behind and rush back home. Little was left of the fire of love that had been kindled in him this spring. The dying ambers wouldn't last the cold breeze that blew on the Eastern ridges of the Sulaiman Range in the wake of a waning summer. Then one night as they approached Kotlo Jo Qabar, they camped at a caravanserai. The keeper of the inn greeted them warmly and provided them with necessary bedding and food.


It is true that hardships can tame the beast of one desire, but the beast can never be killed. When the disciple chanced to glance upon the pretty face of the innkeeper's Pakhtun maid, the beast broke free of its rider's reins and galloped and in its deathly run, it ran over much good that patient effort had nurtured. It would have crashed its rider willingly  into the abyss of disobedience had the world around it not convulsed.


Before the morning stars could shine over the clear skies of that rugged land, fiery hoofs were heard approaching followed by warring crying. And even before the denizens could see it, fire, swords, cudgels and death were upon them, as black turbaned men race their ghastly steeds all over the place. Death left as quickly as it came and took but a moment to extinguish the blazing fire of life which had lit this corner of the mountains.    


The disciple who had gone out of the settlement and had verged upon disobedience saw it come and leave. He saw in it the wrath of God and Fear smote his heart. The sight of fire, the sounds of death and the smell of blood reminded him of the unavoidable fate which all creation shares. And in the painful moment of realization, he parted with Disobedience, and took Fear as his companion.


"Two fires have you been spared, tonight. Fear of open disobedience saved you from an earthly fire and then the fear of death saved you from The Inferno. Now, Fear God for His mercy works in mysterious ways."


Taib was too shocked to respond. But slowly many meanings were dawning upon him.


Ahead of them lay the rugged and barren hills and valleys of Balochistan. Now Taib found himself so far from home that the familiar rugged and arid vastness did not invoke nostalgia. It filled him instead with a longing to see God in his Black House. With this rejuvenated desire they kept going. Days turned into weeks and weeks into months but they never saw the end of Balochistan.


Balochistan might have been behind them already, but the desert persisted. Sandstorms and cold spells stalked them intermittently and when they ran out of provisions once again, they found it ever harder to cling to hope.


"I gave everything up and left my olden ways to gain but a glimpse of His Majesty. And yet there He is, not letting us near him. This  path is going in circles, it will go on and on and we'll get there" complained Ta'ib.


"I fear that the desert, in spite of the vastness of its heart, will get sick of you grouchiness. The thankless deserve no favours and yet look at Him, He is Munificient." shrugged the Shaikh.


"Ah….well, the end is near" Ta'ib sighed,


"It is. Before it comes, at least show some gratitude" pleaded the Shaikh.


And the disciple brimmed with contempt at the idealism of his companion.


That night as they slept leaning against their wobbled camels, a cool breeze began to blow. It took them by surprise. But it didn't bring the sharp burning sand that comes with sandstorms in the day. Only the wind and its God know the secret of how it managed to blow tufts of cute little pink flowers onto the faces of the travelers. An instinctive smile lit their grim faces. And though the wind danced away with its joyous companions, it left a trail of fragrance in its wake and a taste of sweetness on their parched lips. In the early hours of that morning, the most pleasurable of all flowers – the flower of gratitude – blossomed in Taib's heart. And there he sought to keep it.   


In that fleeting sight he perceived an imminent tide of Allah's mercy, and the hitherto thankless eye turned inwards and beheld the blessings of God in every spurt of blood that his heart pumped around his body and every breath of air that he was granted. For the first time he realized that fresh air was not odourless, it had a warm and sweet smell which fueled the fire of life. He saw that the wind didn't blow in a dull, monotonous fashion as he had always thought, it danced to the rhythms of time and caressed every creature of God in a most sensuous manner. Gratitude overwhelmed him and days of toil turned magically into prized moments of bliss. It was the alchemy of the sixth companion.


And though Allah's mercy always surrounds us, our perception often fades and corrupts our feeling into thanklessness or numbness, which is even worse. And so it happened to him. By the banks of the Euphrates, a strange low but unbearable fever caught Taib and many days passed in this state but fever wouldn't release him from its tenuous claws. The consulted the Doctor of An-Nasiriyyah but nothing availed him. The disciple had come to regard the Shaykh's advice very highly on all matters of consequence. But here he was much pained by the Shaykh's stubbornness in prescribing nothing except "Prayer and Fortitude.


He had more trust in the bitter pills the doctor had given him because after all the fever was not getting any better. At length, he gave the pills up and took the Shaykh's advice seriously. And as soon as he had stopped anguishing about his disease and the injustice of nature that had caused it and other such things, he found himself cured. They rejoiced. Another companion had joined them and Ta'ib strove to stick to the fellowship.




"What are love and contentment?" asked Ta'ib.


"Beyond desription in the languages of men." Replied the Shaykh.



"Tongues never tire of the mention of Love. It is the most mystical of all things mystical. It is loving God more than anything else, it is loving Him and loving His people for His sake. And above all love is an act more than it is a feeling, a feeling more than it is a thought and least of all, it's just a word.


"In brief, it is sacrifice in God's way, whatever one can give."


Then one day in the middle of the desert as they rode their camels, they were surrounded by black-turbaned riders, who were robbers at first sight. And strangely they seemed familiar. Brandishing their gleaming swords, they tightened the circle.


"Who amongst you is Mohammad, son of Alawi, son of Haddad"


"I am al-Haddad, say what you will?"


"We have come a three thousand miles to deal out death unto you" As he said this four strong armed men seized each of the two pilgrims, who struggled defenseless.


"It is a pity that you missed us in Kot lo Jo Qabar. Ever since, much harm has befallen my brethren in the land of Islam, on your account. You can do what you must, but first answer one question."


"Let this be your last wish that we grant"


"Who sent you after me?"


"There are many dark forces in this land and they don't like traders like you, if a trader you really are." He paused, and then looking at his men he nodded.


The men took the Shaykh and his disciple.


"We will leave your ward. No wanderer ever finds his way unguided on the path to which you have brought him" He smirked as he said this because he knew that more than his own life the Shaykh cared for his disciple's success.


Then the leader of the robbers aimed his arrow at the sheikh and looked for a while.Then, let it go. Like a bolt of lightning the disciple sparked and jumped into the path of the arrow. As though for an eternity, the desert and all that it contained, stood still to watch this moment of infinite sacrifice and the sky was brought to tears.


The next moment they saw the arrow whiz past both of them and escape beyond the limit of sight. And in the background the sky laughed a roaring laughter. Everyone knew what it meant. The sky had never been as happy since when Abraham offered Ishmael for sacrifice in the love of God and when God had refused to accept the Lover's sacrifice, once it had been honestly offered. All these men had heard stories of love, but only now did they see the miracle of love. They were bandits, they were bad men, but they were sons of Islam, and this shock brought out of them the love that had always been there. In silence they departed.


Had words been uttered they could only defile the purity of that moment, when one heart talked to another and to the One who inhabits the hearts of believers. And it was known to the three of them, that Love had become the eighth companion.






Soon after this, the pilgrims came down from the mountains of Arabia into the valley where divine light had first shone. And their eyes beheld the first house that was built on the earth. They prostated before the God whose is the Black House in Mecca.


Many years later Taib couldn't tell whether he had seen God in his Black House or that it had ceased to matter to him whether he saw God or not. He had become content with his God and he hoped always to remain so, and he hoped that his God would be happy with him and he feared the contrary.  Either way, God was everywhere and that he was to be found both within his signs and outside them. Taib son of a Muslim, son of a Muslim and Muslim all the way down was now a Muslim at heart. Repentance and its eight spiritual companions gained accepted in the His Majesty's court.






"Shaikh, there's one thing I never figured out"


"Ask anything that befits, my dear"


"What merchandise did you come to trade in Kashghar?"


Shaykh looked away from Taib and stayed quiet for a while, before replying "I came only to fetch the one who wanted to go from faith to certainty. That's my trade."


Taib couldn't hide his surprise


"So is it to your home that you are now heading?"


"The Road is my home, Taib. If it begins, in life, it doesn't end" And with that the Shaikh waved his hand and left. As he saw the Shaikh's tall lean and wheatish sillouhette flicker against the horizon, a memory from their days in the merry valleys of Kashmir welled up in his mind. Back then they would sing together. Now it was only him.


Then one tall, lean and wheatish set out for Kashghar.

Defining Ethnicity: An Infinitely Malleable and Paradoxical Concept


Course: Anthropological Perspectives on Ethnicity and Nationalism

Spring 2007


Umer Gilani





In the introduction to his famous work, Barth remarks, in a tone that sounds rather smug: "I found it possible, by explaining the circumstance in the north, to make Southern Pathans agree that these( Pathans in Swat) were indeed Pathan too…"[1] Barth might have been pleasantly surprised at this feat of his, but another scholar of ethnicity was in for a bigger shock when she conducted the following experiment on her students, at a small private university in Pakistan.


Having exposed them to the definitional frameworks concerning ethnicity, presented by eminent theorists like, Smith and Barth, she asked them to consider the question of whether members of their university constituted a separate ethnic group. To her surprise, she found that all students – around 30 of them – argued fairly consistently that on the definitions provided, their campus community called 'Lumunites' had as much right to be considered an ethnic group as other more recognized ethnic groups. They conceded that in some respects Lumunites did fall short of the criteria set for constituting a separate ethnic group, but then so did most other human collectivities generally considered distinct ethnic groups.


As for the shocked scholar of ethnicity, she later claimed that this activity had been planned to expose a problem inherent in the traditional concept of ethnicity. Common sense dictates that a university is not an ethnic group; indeed, being small, modern and functional, it is far from it. And yet, the problem is that if someone tries earnestly and diligently enough, just about any other collectivity, even a university, can be nomologically fitted under the label of 'ethnic group'. The instructor's ex post facto remark might have been a cover up.





Regardless of intentions behind it, this experiment badly exposed the severe short-comings of ethnicity as a conceptual tool and an ontological category. This paper argues that the experiment described above can be used to demonstrate the poverty of ethnicity as a concept; also this experiment exposes a paradox inherent to the concept of ethnicity: even though the concept stems directly out of common sense, it ends up defying it. The implications for ethnicity, therefore, are adverse. If the argument presented in this paper are accepted, it would only be natural to conclude that the use of the concept of ethnicity, even as functional term, should be discontinued in academic discourse, because this infinitely malleable concept 'obfuscates more than it illuminates'.


The paper begins by presenting the concept of ethnicity as defined by various eminent theorist of the field, selecting Smith's definition from amongst them. Special attention is paid to process whereby Smith arrives at his definition. Then, characteristics of the community of Lumunites are described and the question of whether, under the criteria laid down earlier, Lumunites are eligible to be considered an ethnic group, is considered. Subsequently, the same question is explored with regards to Pakhtuns, a generally recognized ethnic group. Finally, the findings of these two lines of enquiry are juxtaposed, whereby the contradictions inherent to the concept of ethnicity are exposed. It is argued that the ramifications severely damage the legitimacy of the concept of ethnicity, which should, therefore, give way to most robust analytical categories.


What makes an Ethnic Group?


Various theorists have come up with definitions of ethnic groups. A review of the literature available on this question shows that, apparently, in recent years, the question that is troubling the mind of the author has been troubling others too. Consequently, there is burgeoning literature where modified and re-modified definitions of ethnic groups are being presented.


Gil-White(2005)[2] presents a sampling of that literature: 'We shall call 'ethnic groups' those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent—because of similarities of physical type or of customs or both, or because of memories of colonization and emigration—and in such a way that this belief is important for the continuation of non-kinship communal relationships . . . regardless of whether an objective blood relationship exists or not.[3]


'The term ethnic group is generally understood in the anthropological literature (cf. e.g. Narroll 1964) to designate a population which: (a) is largely biologically self-perpetuating (b) shares fundamental cultural values . . . ; (c) has a membership

which identifies itself . . . ' [4]


'An ethnic group is a self-perceived inclusion of those who hold in common a set of traditions not shared by others with whom they are in contact. Such traditions typically include "folk" religious beliefs and practices, language, and common ancestry or place of origin . . .which includes some concept of an unbroken biological-genetic generational continuity. . . Endogamy is usual . . . '[5]


 '. . . should members subjectively assume the existence of such 'mythical' [primordial] bases, the salient condition of ethnicity is met'[6]


'The term bangsa in Malay is the equivalent to our "ethnicity". It conveys the double ideas of people sharing both a common origin and a common culture. Etymologically it is derived from the Sanskrit vamsa, 'line of descent'. Emically, it has a primordial quality,

for it implies that the cultural traits are inalienably and inextricably associated

with a particular people, that is, carried by a community whose ultimate

unity derives from a single origin. (. . . ) While the concept of bangsa . . . has overtones

of shared culture, this is secondary . . . to the solidarity acquired though

common descent or origin . . . '[7]


'The reference to origin is . . . the primary source of ethnicity which makes a socio-cultural boundary into an ethnic boundary. . . . ethnic identity can best be defined as a feeling of belonging and continuity-in-being (staying the same person(s) through time)

resulting from an act of self-ascription, and/or ascription by others, to a group

of people who claim both common ancestry and a common cultural tradition'[8]


This literature is too vast and dynamic to be grappled with, in toto, in this paper. Instead, he we will review only one traditional understanding of this concept most prevalent in the anthropological literature concerning this topic – the definition provided by Smith. Gil-White argues, however, that all of the definitions given above share essential features with Smith's classification. It may be noted here that Barth does not come up any original definition of ethnic group. Rather he borrows Norrell's(1964) scheme and adds a relational and deeply subjective touch to that early schema.





Smith's Definition of Ethnie


Smith states "[E]thnie (ethnic communities) may now be defined as named human populations with shared ancestry myths, histories and cultures, having an association with a specific territory and a sense of solidarity."[9] Six criteria, or as he prefers to have them called, dimensions of an ethnie, ethnic group or community are described her.[10] It will be useful to enumerate and clarify these criteria before proceeding further:


  1. Named human population: the name could be self-ascriptive or ascribed by others.
  2. Association with a specific territory: this need not be a territory that the group members own or actually reside in; 'association with it may be just a potent memory.' And 'A land of dreams is actually more significant than any actual terrain'
  3. Shared culture: religion and language fare highly but so do other forms of cultural values which also express themselves publicly.
  4. A sense of solidarity: often finds institutional philanthropic expression.
  5. Shared history: shared memories
  6. Shared ancestry myths,


Methodological critique


Paramount, and often ignored, is the process whereby Smith reaches this definition of ethnicity. I will try to analyze that process here, backing it up an epistemological critique. Effectively, Smith's methodology is three-pronged.


  1. Using his intuition, he posits a question : 'Is Characteristic X is common to all ethnic groups"
  2. To answer this he must identity ethnic groups. To do that, he must have a definition of ethnic groups, which as yet he doesn't, given that he is still looking for a yardstick whereby ethnic groups could be told apart from other groups.  Therefore, he puts together all groups which, under common sense, appear as ethnic groups to him. He does not explicitly state this, and might not confess to it, but he cannot proceed without making this step.
  3. He tests his thesis against the data set he has selected (on the basis of sheer common sense) and states the result. "Are there any unnamed ethnie… I do not know of any."[11]


Smith's account gives us the impression that they are pointers to a definite reality which lies out there in the real world. The more closely the pointers correspond to the facts on ground, the better the definition. This, however, is not the case. Epistemologically, his methodology is not truly inductive and cannot yield any new knowledge about facts of the world. Instead, it only serves to enunciate the author's intuitive feelings. When the author tries to see whether his proposition corresponds to fact, the set of facts available to him is one which he himself had selected. And more likely than not, the same biases which made him come up with the thesis also affected his selection of data. Therefore, it is all too likely that once he states a thesis, his facts will corroborate it. So if all ethnic groups have a label because the author can't think of any that don't, this could be so simply because the author refused to pick nameless groups in his initial undeclared selection of ethnic groups.


In short, definitions do not reveal any new knowledge about the reality being studied; they are tautological. They are, however, a systematic expression of common sense. The criteria for judging constructs like definitions are laid later in the paper.


Are Lumunites an Ethnic Group?


The Lahore University of Management Sciences is an elite private university located at the outskirts of Lahore. It has a student population of around 2000, most of whom are undergraduates, who spend an average of four years the institution. Around half the students come from outside the city of Lahore and reside on campus. Thousands of alumni, many of whom regularly return to the campus, are also a part of the community of Lumunites.


1. All students, in particular, and all members of the university community, can be referred to using the label "Lumunites". In fact, this common label has been gaining in popularity over the years, as evidenced by student publications and mail records.[12] This label is not just self-ascriptive; various businesses now advertise their products, referring to their target readership as 'Lumunites'. That the campus community is a named human population is beyond doubt.   


2. At first, an observer might reckon that coming from different cities, there is no specific territory with which all Lumunites have an association. But one thought at the lush green campus with its rolling gardens and elegant red-brick buildings should remove this misconception. In fact, the recent rise in alumni's investment and involvement in campus development, and massive participation by students in protests against projects that are perceived as threatening to the campus environment, reaffirm our conviction that Lumunites do associate with a specific territory – their university campus. The territory with which Lumunites associate, might be transformed with the passage of time, as new structures are erected and older ones are raised. However, there is sufficient continuity and the rest is made up by imagination which has big role to play in identity formation.


3. Many Lumunites believe that LUMS is culturally very diverse. An objective observer, however, may not corroborate this finding. It appears that Lumunites are generally all affluent, Westernized and modern in their outlook. Various interviews with people who do not conform to these cultural norms find themselves ill at ease here. This could not have been a case if Lumunites did not a shared culture. All Lumunites can communicate in English and an overwhelming majority is, at least nominally, Muslim. However, even if Lumunites' self-perception about their cultural diversity is true, it can still be said that diversity forms their shared culture.


4. Like all other ethnic groups, Lumunites' sense of solidarity ebbs and flows, reaching a peak when cofronted by the other. To corroborate the this claim, one has only to see the crowds that gather to cheer the LUMS sports teams in their fixtures against 'other teams'. Lumunites try to help each other in things as small as cheating on tests, and giving a ride to getting jobs and admissions. Becoming a part of the community of Lumunites is advertised as one of the major assets that one acquires through the LUMS experience.[13] Alumni, now far away from their homeland, donate generously to support needy Lumunites under the National Outreach Programme, whose members are expected to comprise 10% of all students in a year's time. At least one auditorium was constructed with their money. 


5. The history of LUMS may be short, but it is eventful enough to provide anecdotes, tales and sagas which lumunites can share with each other, during small talk. Every year as freshmen arrive or when new members are inducted into student societies, or when farewell is bade to graduating classes, much attention is paid to oral transmission of history from one 'generation' to the next. Perhaps the most import way in which Lumunites develop a sense of shared history is after they graduate. Lumunites often recollect and share memories of the 'wonderful college days'. This history becomes a source of identity for them and a discussing it connects them with other Lumunites.


6. Perhaps the only criteria in Smith's definition that Lumunites have some difficulty in, is having a shared myth of descent. Deeper analysis, however, shows that even this element can be found amongst Lumunites. First of all, Smith's idea of a common myth of descent does not just refer to myths about how people believe themselves to have been born. Instead it refers, in general, to myths about the process all group members ended up together. And in that broader sense, Lumunites hold this belief, almost universally, that they have landed in LUMS because of being the most intelligent and gifted people in the country. This myth is systematically propagated at the 'Orientation Day' for all incoming members and is thereafter kept afloat by careful manipulation of admission policy.


It may be contended that this myth is close to the facts on ground. To this it may be replied that this contention is irrelevant because a myth does not have to be necessarily false; it is enough that it is popularly upheld without ample demonstration. Moreover, Lumunites' myth might actually be a falsehood. Given the narrow socio-economic strata from which Lumunites are all drawn, universal comparisons are impossible. And if this is so, the statement about Lumunites being the cream of the cream remains, at best, an unsubstantiated hypothesis. Therefore, it can be referred to as Lumunites' shared myth of descent.


Furthermore, Lumunites longingly remember their Golden Age when, in the university's early years, the community was less populous and their territory was vast and green and the atmosphere was libertine. Given the rise in the quality and quantity of human and financial capital in later years, this conclusion may not be borne out by most objective scales. This too, therefore, can be considered a part of Lumunites' baggage of myth which brings them together as group.


In sum, Smith's criteria can be legitimately interpreted so as to declare Lumunites as an ethnic group.



Are the Pakhtun an Ethnic Group?


1.      The Pakhtun are one of the most highly recognized of all ethnic groups. Pakhtun is the collective name they use for themselves, while others refer to them variously as Pathan, Pakhtun or Pashtun. That the Pakhtun community is a named human population is beyond doubt.


  1. The Pakhtun associate with the area of land that lies in one of Pakistan's provinces, NWFP and north-eastern and southern parts of Afghanistan. Within the Pakhtun, however, are various groups each of which identifies with its own territory.


  1. Almost all Pakhtun can speak Pashto language. Also, the Pakhtun have a complete code which sets their cultural norms. It is believed to be in conformance with Islam and thus divinely sanctioned. The culture of the Pakhtun is fairly distinct. Not only are they highly self-conscious[14] of it but other also identify them with it. Barth argues that there is a strong trend of deviating from this culture and seeking emancipation from it, when this suits someone's interests. He also analyzes situations where this can easily be done and where it cannot be, concluding that cultural standards themselves might sometime be changed in some cases. Whether this common culture evolves continuously or discretely, it is beyond doubt that at each moment there is some culture that Pakhtuns consider common to their entire group.  


  1. Pakhtun have earned fame as long-distance traders and transporters, thanks to their communal solidarity.


  1. Pakhtun have a strong sense of shared history. They look back to Ahmad Shah's time as their Golden Age. They vividly recall heroes like Baba Khushhaal Khan who resisted foreign onslaughts. They are proud of their reputation for valiantly fighting, first against and then for the British.


  1. All Pakhtun are believed to have 'a common ancestor; who lived 20-25 generations ago according to accepted genealogies'. 'The putative ancestor Qais lived at the time of the Prophet. He sought the Prophet out in Medina, embraced the faith, and was given the name of Abd-ur-Rashid.'[15] From a strictly patrilineal descent is traced.


It can, therefore, be concluded that the Pakhtun possess all six of the characteristics which, according to Smith, make them a distinct ethnic group.



What good are concepts?


I subscribe to an instrumentalist view with regard to the nature of scientific constructs.

I do not think if the worth of constructs lies in their ability to 'cut nature at the joints'; it lies rather in their academic utility. What good are constructs except as tools that help us predict and grapple with realities of the world? Therefore, I will not judge the worth of Smith's definition by looking at whether it corresponds to facts( I have no way of doing so, in any case!); rather I will judge it with regard to whether it yields any meaning or utility; this is whether it helps in predicting behaivour and framing adequate responses.


Conclusion: The infinitely malleable and paradoxical nature of ethnicity


Juxtaposing the findings from our two lines of inquiry, we are confronted with a problematic situation: either Luminites and Pukhtuns are both ethnic groups or none is. If one interprets Smith's criteria conservatively, Luminites obviously don't pass as an ethnic group but even Pakhtuns don't qualify. This is so, because it may be said that not every Pukhtun subscribes to Pashtunwali as his/her cultural norm anymore, or that the diasporic Pashtun no more associate, even in their imagination, with any specific territory nor remember their history nor believe in their myths of descent. However, a category so narrowly defined becomes meaningless for most purposes ranging from policing the roads and gathering census-data to allocating quotas in an economic redistribution policy.  Conversely, if one interprets the criteria loosely, the Pakhtun would pass for an ethnic group, but so would Lumunites and countless others. This time round, the category compasses all and sundry and becomes too broad and diverse to be meaningful for most purposes, for instance, the above-mentioned functions.


Additionally, this second situation confronts us with a paradox. This is so because earlier we established that Smith's definition represent no more than a systematic expression of common sense. Now we see that the framework built up on those definitions yield the highly non-sensical conclusion that Lumunites are as much an ethnic group as Pakhtuns. A system built using common sense as its axiom yields conclusions that defy common sense. The implications for ethnicity are damaging.


The implications of this experiment are similarly devastating for those theorists, including Smith himself, who base the concept of nationalism upon that of ethnicity. Some of these theorists claim that each ethnic group comprises a nation, and once a group comprises a nation, it get the right to self-determination under international law. However, if the foundational concept of ethnicity is found to be infinitely malleable and paradoxical, then it can provide no more than shaky foundations for nationalism, and ultimately for self-determination.




Around the middle of the 20th century, scholars began to suggest that the concept of race was seriously flawed, scientifically useless and should thus be discarded. The publication of the UNESCO statement titled "The Race Question" [16] in 1950 galvanized this movement. The stirring words of this document should leave us in no doubt as to the importance of correct, and not arbitrary, categorization of human collectivities. It reminds us also of the horrors that ensued from a misplaced emphasis on the badly defined category of race, under the Nazis.  


Soon after 1950, various states reformed their policies replacing the concept of race with ethnicity, thus remedying much injustice. In the United States for instance, the courts apply strict scrutiny in case of racial discrimination,[17] while the provisions for discrimination along the lines of ethnicity are less stringent, under the belief that the latter concept is less liable to abuse. It appears now, particularly in the light on our analysis in this paper, that as a concept or as an analytical category, ethnicity is no good either. Being infinitely malleable and paradoxical, it does not help further our understanding of the behaviour of people mush. It can be, and often has been, used to discriminate arbitrarily against people. It may, therefore, be time to replace it with some more meaningful, concrete and consistent category. If the purpose of social science scholarship is to refine our tools of understanding the social world and grappling with it, then a better construct than ethnie needs to be employed. If nothing else, at least a better definition of ethnicity should be arrived at. The effort of Gil-White represent a positive step toward clearing up the mess. However, the so the search for better, less arbitrary conceptual tools must go on.

[1] Barth, F. Introduction. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. p. 5

[2] Gil-White, F. J The Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Needs Better Categories: Clearing up the Confusions that Result from Blurring Analytic and Lay Concepts. Journal of Bioeconomics (2005) 7:233 250–251


[3] Weber, Max. (ed). 1968. Economy and society: an outline of an interpretive sociology. Vol. 1. University

of California Press, Berkeley. p. 389


[4] Barth, Fredrik. 1969. Ethnic groups and boundaries: the social organization of cultural differences.

Little Brown & Co., Boston.


[5] De Vos, G. 1975. Ethnic pluralism: Conflict and accommodation. Pp. 5–41 in G. De Vos &

R. Romanucci (ed.) Ethnic Identity: Cultural continuities and change, Mayfield, Palo Alto. p. 9


[6] Patterson, Orlando. 1975. Context and choice in ethnic allegiance: a theoretical framework and a Caribbean case study. Pp. 309 in N. Glazer & D.P. Moynihan (ed.) Ethnicity: Theory and Experience,

Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.


[7] Nagata, Judith. 1981. In defense of ethnic boundaries: the changing myths and charters of Malay

identity. Pp. 98-99 in C. F. Keyes (ed.) Ethnic Change, University of Washington Press, Seattle &



[8] Roosens, Eugeen. 1994. The primordial nature of origins in migrant ethnicity. Pp. 83-84 in H. Vermeulen & C. Govers (ed.) The Anthropology of Ethnicity: Beyond "Ethnic Groups and Boundaries". Het Spinhuis, Amsterdam.


[9] Smith, A.D.  Foundations of Ethnic Community in Smith, A.D. The Ethnic Origins of Nation, London: Blackwell. p. 32

[10] Despite Gil-Wite's rather convincing protestations for differentiating these terms, in this paper these terms are used interchangeably. They were used thus, during the above-mentioned experiment. Consistency, therefore, requires that practice to be continued through this discussion.

[11] Smith. A. D. ()1986) ibid, p. 23

[12] The Student Council of LUMS has made it a consistent practice to address all it public mails to "Lumunites", thus invoking the common identity of its referents.

[14] Barth, F. Pathan Identity and its Maintenance.


[15] Ibid.

[17] The Court declared: "…disadvantaging racial classifications are ordinarily 'suspect', must be subjected to 'the most rigid scrutiny,' and bear a 'very heavy burden of justification.' in Brown v Board of Education. 347 U.S 483. 74 Ct. 686, 98 L.Ed. 873 (1954)